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作者: 来源: 日期:2016-09-27 8:25:20

France: Islam and the secular state





In the summer of 1905, the Catholic cassock, and whether to ban wearing it in the streets, sparked a passionate debate in France. For Charles Chabert, a leftwing MP, the black ankle-length soutane was not just an affront to modernity but a reminder of the threat the monarchist Catholic Church posed to the secular republic that he, and his colleagues, sought to consolidate with a bill enforcing a strict separation of state and religion.

1905年夏天,围绕天主教长袍,以及是否应该禁止在街上穿着教袍,法国曾展开一场激烈辩论。左翼议员夏尔•沙贝尔(Charles Chabert)认为,长及脚踝的黑色教袍不仅是对现代性的侮辱,还提醒人们:君主制主义的天主教会对崇尚世俗的共和国构成威胁。为了巩固世俗共和体制,他和同事们正推动一项法案,强制执行严格的政教分离。广州宗教翻译公司。


Some priests would find it hard to part with the garment, he conceded, but others, “the most clever, the most educated”, would welcome the ban as liberation. Conjuring up an imaginary cleric, shy and buttoned up, Chabert added: “Look at him. The garb makes him a prisoner of his own ignorance . . . Of this slave, let’s make a man.”



Aristide Briand, author of the separation bill, disagreed. By policing garments, the state would be perceived as “intolerant”, and, even worse, the subject of “ridicule”, he quipped.

政教分离法案的起草者阿里斯蒂德•白里安(Aristide Briand)对此并不同意。他嘲讽道,国家如果管制起服装,将被认为“不宽容”,甚至更糟,沦为“笑柄”。广州宗教翻译公司。


Fast forward 111 years, France is again debating religious garb — this time, the burkini. The dispute, which erupted in August when about 30 mayors banned the full-length Islamic swimwear, has laid bare the old fracture between a hardline, uncompromising vision of secularism and a more liberal one, and once again threatens to tear apart a country still reeling from Islamist terror attacks.



Fear and paranoia have galvanised Chabert’s heirs, says Sudhir Hazareesingh, a lecturer in politics at Oxford and a specialist in French intellectual movements. “Their vision of laïcité [secularism] is one that seeks to regulate religions, it’s characterised by anticlericalism,” Mr Hazareesingh says. “They aim to shape a republican identity. They regard religious beliefs as inferior thinking and a form of alienation.”

研究法国知识分子运动的专家、牛津大学(Oxford)政治学讲师苏迪尔•哈扎里辛格(Sudhir Hazareesingh)表示,恐惧和多疑激励着沙贝尔的后继者。他说:“他们的政教分离观旨在监管宗教,其特点是反教权。他们的目标是塑造一种共和身份认同。他们认为宗教信仰是低等思想,是一种异化形式。”广州宗教翻译公司。


As in 1905, when they lost the argument on the soutane, those hardline secularists have suffered a setback on the burkini. France’s highest administrative court overturned the ban issued by Villeneuve-Loubet, a small town on the Riviera, setting a precedent for the other mayors who had taken similar action. The obligation of neutrality applies to the state, not to citizens, who can express their religious beliefs, the Conseil d’Etat said.

不过就像1905年他们输掉了那场教袍之争一样,这些世俗主义强硬派在布基尼上再一次遭遇挫折。法国最高行政法院推翻了蔚蓝海岸(French Riviera)小镇卢贝新城(Villeneuve-Loubet)颁发的禁令,为其他采取类似行动的市长确立了先例。行政法院表示,中立是国家的义务,不是公民的,公民可以表达自己的信仰。


Yet, with presidential elections next year and polls suggesting a strong showing by the far-right National Front (FN), the debate has hit a nerve in a country grappling with homegrown jihadism and a sense of economic and cultural decline. The burkini dispute has revived the animosity over the wearing of the Islamic headscarf, or hijab, and brought back into focus the deprived, unemployment-stricken suburbs, or banlieues, where many of those involved in recent Islamist attacks were raised.

但是,鉴于明年将迎来总统大选,而民调显示极右翼党派国民阵线(National Front)人气高涨,这场辩论牵动着法国的神经。这个国家正在苦苦应对本土圣战主义和经济文化衰退感觉。这场争论重燃了各方围绕穿戴“希贾布”(hijab,伊斯兰头巾)的矛盾,还让贫困、失业问题严重的郊区(banlieues)再度成为焦点,参与近期伊斯兰主义袭击的许多人在这些地方长大。广州宗教翻译公司。


Islam and France’s estimated 5m Muslims — one of the largest populations in Europe — have become central to the question of French identity. “Centuries of greatness long gone has created a sense of nostalgia,” says Jean Baubérot, a historian specialising in secularism and a supporter of Mr Briand’s liberal legacy. “For some, Islam has become a scapegoat for all our troubles.”

法国估计有500万穆斯林,是欧洲最大的穆斯林群体之一,这些穆斯林与伊斯兰教已成为法国身份认同问题的中心课题。专门研究世俗主义的历史学家让•博伯特(Jean Baubérot)表示:“早已告别的那几个世纪的光辉催生了一种怀旧感。对某些人来说,伊斯兰成了我们一切烦恼的替罪羊。”博伯特支持白里安的自由主义传统。


Secularism vs religion



The backlash, however, goes beyond notions of xenophobia. It is rooted in a longstanding suspicion of religions, underpinned by the idea that faith is a private matter restricted to the home and places of worship. This sets French secularism apart from that of the US or the UK, according to Olivier Roy from the European University Institute in Florence who is a specialist on Islam.

然而,法国人对伊斯兰的反弹超越了仇外范畴。它植根于对宗教的长期怀疑,而支撑这种怀疑的是这样一个观念:信仰是件私事,仅限于家庭和宗教场所。佛罗伦萨欧洲大学学院(European University Institute)的伊斯兰专家奥利维耶•鲁瓦(Olivier Roy)表示,这一点使法国的世俗主义不同于美国或英国。广州宗教翻译公司。


In America, separation was designed to free religion from state interference, whereas in France separation has evolved to exclude religion from public space and to promote the supremacy of the state over religious organisations,” Mr Roy explains.



For the French, integration means shedding one’s religious beliefs, or at least toning them down. That’s why they have a hard time understanding that some Muslims, including a growing, well-integrated middle class, may want to express their faith for reasons other than social discrimination or religious extremism, Mr Roy adds.



France banned the hijab in state schools in 2004 and six years later prohibited the face-covering niqab in public spaces. The debate is spreading. Germany is looking at whether to issue a similar niqab ban after an influx of refugees from Syria in the past 18 months.



But in France there are calls for more radical action. Nicolas Sarkozy, the former leader vying to win the centre-right presidential nomination in November, wants to ban the veil in universities and the workplace. Islam, he says, “has not done the work to integrate”. He is tacking to a resurgent FN, whose leader Marine Le Pen wants to extend the hijab ban to all public places.

但法国国内还有人呼吁采取更激进的行动。正力争在11月份赢得中右翼政党总统提名的前总统尼古拉•萨科齐(Nicolas Sarkozy)希望禁止在大学和工作场所佩戴面纱。他说,伊斯兰“没有做好融入法国社会的工作”。他呼应了复活的国民阵线的诉求——后者的领导人马琳•勒庞(Marine Le Pen)希望将希贾布禁令扩大到所有公共场所。


There are similar echoes on the left, rooted in entrenched anticlericalism and a blend of feminism inspired by Simone de Beauvoir’s fight against Catholic tradition. Manuel Valls, the socialist prime minister, said last month that the burkini and the veil are symbols of the “enslavement of women”.

左翼也有类似响应。法国的左翼力量植根于根深蒂固的反教权主义,又融合了西蒙娜•德•波伏娃(Simone de Beauvoir)反天主教传统斗争激发的女权主义。法国总理、社会党成员曼努埃尔•瓦尔斯(Manuel Valls)上月表示,布基尼和面纱是“奴役女性”的象征。广州宗教翻译公司。


As Briand did in 1905, other politicians disagree. But in a country where atheists are expected to outnumber all other groups by 2050, according to the Pew Research Center, this is a widely shared view. Nearly two-thirds of French adults oppose the wearing of the hijab in the streets or the burkini on beaches, according to an Ifop survey.

一如1905年白里安的嘲讽,瓦尔斯也遭到其他政客反对,但其观点在法国得到广泛认同。据皮尤研究中心(Pew Research Center)的数据,至2050年法国无神论者的数量将超过其他所有群体。Ifop一项调查显示,近三分之二的法国成年人反对在街上穿戴希贾布或者在沙滩上穿布基尼。


Among them, Patrick and Claudine, a couple from Nice who declined to give their surnames, firmly believe that “religion is for the home”. They have no sympathy for the FN, which attracted more than a third of the votes in recent elections in the Nice region, but do support the centre-right mayor’s burkini ban. “Religion is not something one should display,” says Claudine, 59. “Religions have always caused trouble.”



Living a few metres from the Promenade des Anglais, the seafront where in July a Tunisian truck driver killed 86 people celebrating Bastille Day, including many Muslims, they say the massacre — for which Isis claimed responsibility — has left them with questions over the loyalty of the Muslim community.

他们家离尼斯海滨的“英国人散步大道”(Promenade des Anglais)只有几米远。今年7月,一个突尼斯籍的卡车司机杀害了在此庆祝国庆的86名民众,其中包括许多穆斯林,“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国”(ISIS)宣布对这一袭击负责。夫妇俩表示,这场大屠杀令他们怀疑穆斯林社区的忠诚度。


We didn’t feel a strong reaction on their part,” Patrick says. In nearby Villeneuve-Loubet, Elisabeth, a 56-year-old topless beachgoer, is more explicit. “They [Muslims] want to impose their way of life. If they want to settle here, then they should do as we do.”



The state has let us down’



Muslim groups argue the bans are a visible sign of the mounting Islamophobia in France. Laïcité, they argue, has become the respectable excuse. More than 429 anti-Muslim acts — everything from insults to physical attacks on people and property — were reported last year, a threefold increase on 2014, according to the government.



Ndella Paye, who describes herself as a Muslim feminist and anti-racist activist, believes the burkini bans are a manifestation of the sexist and colonial attitude of the French establishment.

代拉•佩耶(Ndella Pay)自称是一名穆斯林女权主义者和反种族主义活动人士。她认为布基尼禁令体现了法国统治阶层的性别歧视和殖民心态。广州宗教翻译公司。


We are told that to be free, we need to undress. And by whom? By white mayors and white feminists stuck in the 1970s,” says the 42-year old, who wears a hijab. Muslim women in France are ostracised, she says. “They can’t go to schools, they can’t go to work, they can’t go to the beach or the swimming pool. The French are worse than the Saudis.”



Other female Muslims disagree. Nadia Ould-Kaci and Nadia Benmissi, residents of Aubervilliers, a suburb in northern Paris, say Islamic fundamentalists are trying to impose their rule on the area. It has become difficult to walk, shop or go to restaurants for women who, like them, choose not to wear the hijab, they say.

其他女性穆斯林表示了异议。居住在巴黎北部城郊欧贝维利耶(Aubervilliers)的居民纳迪娅•乌尔德-卡西(Nadia Ould-Kaci)和纳迪娅•本米西(Nadia Benmissi)表示,伊斯兰原教旨主义者正试图将他们的规则强加于这一地区。她们表示,对于像她们这样选择不戴希贾布的妇女来说,散步、购物或者去餐馆都变得困难了。广州宗教翻译公司。


It’s not just teenagers or converts who wear the hijab now. There is an increasing number of young girls all covered up,” Ms Benmissi says. The 62-year old was born in Algeria, where she did not wear the hijab. Yet, in Aubervilliers, she gets daily intrusive remarks. “Last time I was shopping, a man looked into my bag and said: ‘This is not halal.’ There is always someone to remind you that you are not a good Muslim here.”



The hijab is not just a piece of cloth, she insists. “We talk a lot about freedom, but what about gender equality? Why is this not as important? The veil symbolises the unequal status of women,” Ms Benmissi says.



In Sevran, north-east of Paris, Nadia Remadna, a French-born social worker, fumes about Muslim feminists like Ms Paye. “These women think that progress is when they can pray behind the men, instead of in the basement,” she says. When she was 15, her father took her back to his home town in Algeria. For 10 years, Ms Remadna stopped going to school and was forced to stay at home — until she fled back to France.

在巴黎东北方向上的塞伏朗(Sevran),生于法国的社工纳迪娅•勒马德纳(Nadia Remadna),对类似帕耶女士这样的穆斯林女权主义者十分愤慨。她说:“这些妇女认为,进步就是她们可以在男人身后(而不是在地下室)祈祷。”当她15岁时,她的父亲将她带回了位于阿尔及利亚的故乡。在十年时间里,勒马德纳不能上学,被迫待在家里——直到她逃回法国。


So when she saw her son removing pictures of her from the family album because he found them “immodest”, she started fretting. Later she overheard an older boy rebuking a younger one at her son’s high school, because he “had not seen [him] at the mosque” the night before. She was shocked to find out the older boy was not a student, but a school supervisor employed by the state.



You entrust the state with your children, you think they are protected from religion in state schools and this happens,” she says. “Laïcité is not enforced in the banlieues.” Local politicians strike deals with local Salafists [followers of an ultra-conservative movement within Sunni Islam] to get votes and maintain public order in the banlieues, she says. “The state has let us down.”



Rise of conservatism



The emergence over the past three decades of the hijab in the banlieues has coincided with increasing religious conservatism and gender segregation. Research by Gilles Kepel, a professor at Sciences Po, shows that the influence of Salafist movements has grown in these areas in the past 20 years, especially among second-generation immigrants. It has, says Mr Kepel, provided fertile ground for Islamist extremism.

过去30年希贾布在郊区兴起的同时,宗教保守主义和性别隔离主义的气势也越来越嚣张。巴黎政治大学(Sciences Po)教授吉勒•凯佩尔(Gilles Kepel)的研究显示,过去20年里萨拉菲运动在这些地区的影响力已大大增加——尤其是在第二代移民人群中。凯佩尔表示,这为伊斯兰极端主义提供了沃土。广州宗教翻译公司。


Field work by Jennifer Selby, a Canadian scholar, in Petit Nanterre, a poor district west of Paris, underlines the growing influence of religion on daily life — the women stay at home, the men, many of whom are unemployed, spend their time monitoring the whereabouts of female residents.

加拿大学者珍妮弗•塞尔比(Jennifer Selby)在巴黎以西贫穷的Petit Nanterre区开展的实地调查,突显了宗教对日常生活的影响力越来越大:妇女待在家中,男子(其中许多人失业)则把时间用于监督女性居民的去向。


Those neighbourhoods are increasingly populated by Muslim families, who grapple with high unemployment, discrimination and oppressive panoptic architecture — towers that allow someone to observe everyone without being seen themselves, says Ms Selby.



The government has poured €40bn into renovation of these districts over four decades, but unemployment is still higher than the 10 per cent national average and the estates are plagued by crime.



Mr Roy says: “Ghettoisation is a huge issue, Salafists are filling a void left by the state. But this problem is not going to be solved by policing the hijab.”



More regulation of religious signs would be counterproductive, says Mr Baubérot. “Should we consider all Muslims as enemies of the republic at the risk of stigmatising them?” he asks.



In 1905, the decision was to try and include the vast majority of Catholics and it worked: with time they embraced the republic and on the eve of the first world war, France was united, he says. “We are wrong to forget the lessons of history,” adds Mr Baubérot.




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