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作者: 来源: 日期:2016-09-22 9:09:26

Historic misunderstanding underlies UK-EU relationship on Churchill anniversary





Exactly 70 years ago, on September 19, 1946, Sir Winston Churchill delivered his famous speech in Zurich calling for the creation of “a United States of Europe”.

70年前的1946919日(原文发表于919日——译者注),温斯顿•丘吉尔爵士(Sir Winston Churchill)在苏黎世发表了一篇著名演说,呼吁建立“欧罗巴合众国”。广州英语翻译公司。


Britain’s wartime leader was revered across the continent for his role in the defeat of Nazi Germany, despite the fact that he had lost office as UK prime minister after the general election of 1945. His ringing call for reconciliation between France and Germany, and “the re-creation of the European family”, struck a chord for both the victors and the vanquished emerging from the devastation of two world wars. It inspired a European movement that led to the creation of the Common Market, and, ultimately, to today’s European Union.

尽管丘吉尔在1945年的大选中丢掉了首相之位,但这位英国的战时领袖因其在击败纳粹德国过程中发挥的作用赢得了欧洲各地民众的尊敬。他对法德两国和解以及“再造欧洲大家庭”的大声疾呼,在从两次世界大战的浩劫中走出来的战胜国和战败国之间都引发了共鸣。丘吉尔的呼吁激发了一场欧洲一体化运动,促成了欧洲共同市场(Common Market)的建立,并最终形成了今天的欧盟(EU)


Churchill was called the father of ‘Europe’, and he said much to justify that label,” the British journalist and political commentator Hugo Young wrote in his seminal history of Britain and Europe. “But he was also the father of misunderstandings about Britain’s part in this Europe. He encouraged Europe to misunderstand Britain, and Britain to misunderstand herself.”

“丘吉尔被称为‘欧洲’之父,他当之无愧,”英国记者、政论家雨果•扬(Hugo Young)在其关于英国与欧洲历史的影响深远的著作中写道,“但他也是英国在新欧洲所扮演角色被误解的始作俑者。他助长了欧洲对英国的误解以及英国对自身的误解。”广州英语翻译公司。


As Churchill urged a Franco-German partnership to lead his vision of a new Europe, he declared that Great Britain and the British Commonwealth, along with the US and USSR, should be “friends and sponsors” of the project. He did not talk of the UK becoming a member itself.



We are with Europe, but not of it,” he wrote in an earlier essay. “We are linked but not comprised.” That ambiguity has haunted Britain’s relationship with its continental neighbours ever since, culminating in the UK referendum vote on June 23 for Brexit.



First the UK refused to join in 1957, dismissing the negotiations for the Treaty of Rome as irrelevant. Then, when Harold Macmillan changed his mind, for fear of being left out of an economic success story, his membership bid was vetoed by France’s president Charles de Gaulle. When Edward Heath finally succeeded in negotiating membership from 1973, it was seen by many as a defeat for UK exceptionalism, not a victory for European solidarity.

起先,英国在1957年拒绝加入欧洲经济共同体,并将罗马条约(Treaty of Rome)的谈判斥为无足轻重。后来,当哈罗德•麦克米伦(Harold Macmillan)因担心英国错失一个经济增长机会而改变主意申请加入时,他的申请却被法国总统夏尔•戴高乐(Charles de Gaulle)否决。当1973年爱德华•希思(Edward Heath)最终成功地通过谈判让英国加入欧共体时,许多人将之视为英国例外主义的失败,而非欧洲一体化的胜利。


That British attitude is rooted in its imperial history — Churchill’s great passion — and a perception of British security, its interests and its diplomacy, as global, not narrowly European. That feeling, along with resentment at the apparent roles of Germany and France in setting the European agenda, was a constant subtext to arguments in favour of Brexit.



Yet, in spite of the centrality of strategic concerns to the intellectual UK debate on Europe, the subjects of foreign policy and security received scant attention during the referendum campaign. It was dominated instead by the debates on immigration and the economy.



When foreign, security and defence policy was discussed . . . it was predominantly in terms of the costs and benefits to the UK of being a member of the EU,” says Richard Whitman, professor of politics and international relations at the University of Kent. “There was no substantive rehearsal of what the future EU-UK foreign and security policy relationship might be with the UK outside the EU.”

“在讨论外交、安全和防务政策时……主要谈论的是英国作为欧盟成员国的成本和收益,”肯特大学(University of Kent)政治与国际关系教授理查德•惠特曼(Richard Whitman)说,“关于英国退欧后欧盟与英国外交及安全政策关系可能会有怎样的未来,根本没有切实的预演。”广州英语翻译公司。


It was a curious and alarming omission, given that such questions have always been at the heart of British historic hesitation about the EU.



For Churchill, as for the overwhelming majority of the British establishment in those early postwar decades, the British empire (and the Commonwealth that succeeded it) and the “special relationship” with the US, were the nation’s two most important strategic priorities. Nato was seen in London as much the most important alliance in Europe. The Common Market, launched in 1957 by the Treaty of Rome, was seen as largely irrelevant to national security.



In the Brexit camp, the idea of reviving an Anglosphere centred on the “special relationship” between London and Washington (especially in intelligence co-operation), and underpinned by close ties with the “old” Commonwealth of Australia, Canada and New Zealand, was very popular. The question now is whether that romantic attachment to old imperial and English-speaking ties can be turned into an effective policy. The world in 2016 is very different from that of 1946.



The number one problem is that everyone else has moved on,” says Prof Whitman. “They have been pretty successful at forging ‘post-British’ foreign policy identities.” Australia and New Zealand have refocused their foreign and security policy on the Asia-Pacific region, in which China is the dominant player. Canada has defined itself as an independent-minded US neighbour with increasingly strong Asia links to balance its traditional European ties.



As for the US, successive regimes have made it clear that they see European integration as an essential part of western security policy and they have made no secret of wanting the UK to be a full-hearted player. Opinion in Washington was overwhelmingly opposed to the idea of Brexit during the referendum campaign, with the exception of Donald Trump, the Republican presidential candidate.

至于美国,历届政府都明确表示,他们将欧洲一体化视为西方安全政策的重要组成部分,并毫不掩饰地表示希望英国全心全意地促进欧洲一体化。此次公投运动期间,除了共和党总统候选人唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump)之外,反对英国退出欧盟的意见在华盛顿占压倒性多数。广州英语翻译公司。


Leading members of the Brexit camp, such as David Davis, now the minister responsible for the exit negotiations, and Liam Fox, minister for international trade, have always based their arguments on the irrelevance of the EU to UK security, and the far greater importance of Nato. The expectation now is that the UK will throw itself with redoubled enthusiasm into beefing up the Nato alliance, to make up for its gradual withdrawal from the EU. That could mean bolstering the UK military support for the Baltic republics, however much such a move might infuriate Moscow.

退欧阵营主要成员——如现在负责退欧谈判的大臣戴维•戴维斯(David Davis)、国际贸易大臣利亚姆•福克斯(Liam Fox)——一直将“欧盟对英国的安全无关紧要、北约要重要得多”作为自己的立论基础。现在的预期是,英国将以加倍的热情投入增强北约联盟力量的努力中,以补偿其逐步退出欧盟的不利影响。这可能意味着加强英国对波罗的海国家的军事支持——无论此举可能会多大地激怒俄罗斯。


For the rest of the EU, the prospect of UK withdrawal is a mixed blessing. On the one hand, the most serious and rapidly deployable military forces in the EU are those of Britain and France. The UK has played a leading role in the anti-piracy operation off the coast of Somalia. British diplomats have also played an important role in establishing the European External Action Service — the EU’s own diplomatic arm.

对欧盟其他成员国而言,英国退欧带来的前景可谓喜忧参半。一方面,欧盟最重要及部署最快速的军事力量就是英军和法军。在打击索马里附近海域海盗的行动中,英国发挥了领导作用。英国外交官在建立欧盟自身的外交机构——欧盟对外行动署(European External Action Service)方面也发挥了重要的作用。广州英语翻译公司。


On the other hand, the UK has been increasingly hostile to the development of an EU defence policy, and to any weakening of intergovernmental control (and therefore a national veto) of security policy. British departure from the EU would free the other member states to move forward with the creation of a stronger military operational and planning core, as favoured by France, and more support for a stronger European defence industry.



In the three months since the referendum vote, there has been no indication from Boris Johnson, the new foreign secretary, or prime minister Theresa May as to how they see the future focus of foreign and security policy.

进行公投后的三个月里,新任外交大臣鲍里斯•约翰逊(Boris Johnson)和新任首相特里萨•梅(Theresa May)都未说明他们对英国外交和安全政策未来的工作重点有何看法。


The truth is that the process of negotiating Brexit, and reorganising the UK-EU relationship for the future, is likely to dominate everything else on the British government’s agenda for years to come.



The UK’s key foreign policy priority for the foreseeable future will be sorting out its relationship with the EU,” says Prof Whitman. “We will have to devote far more energy and effort to the EU than to the wider world. We will need more EU experts than ever before.”



That is the irony of the Brexit decision. At least for the foreseeable future, it will mean a lot more EU, rather than less, on the UK government agenda.



Quentin Peel is the FT’s former international affairs editor




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